不过本文对温家宝的口才还是褒扬有加的，说他不用讲稿也讲的头头是道，比美国领导人口误少多多了 － 在美国，布什的口误是出了名的，而且一旦出错，几个新闻台的搞笑娱乐节目便要模仿布什讲话的滑稽样揶揄一番，搞的我现在一看布什讲话就以为是那滑稽演员又开表演了，那腔调太像了。
China Propaganda Office May Be Censoring the Premier
By JOSEPH KAHN, BEIJING, March 15
China is often seen as being run by a few men who have largely unrestrained power. Yet sometimes even the prime minister's word is not law.
On Monday, Prime Minister Wen Jiabao answered questions from national and international journalists for nearly two hours at the conclusion of the National People's Congress, China's annual legislative session, the only scheduled press appearance he makes each year. Major government-controlled newspapers published identical transcripts of his comments on Tuesday, identical to each other, that is, but not to what he said at the news conference.
The prime minister, in other words, either cleaned up his own remarks or was censored.
Erased from the official record were parts of Mr. Wen's comments about Tung Chee-hwa, the Hong Kong chief executive who retired last week -- some say got orders to retire -- two years before the expiration of his second term.
Mr. Wen told assembled journalists that ''history will render a fair verdict'' on Mr. Tung's contributions. The phrase, which is often used in Chinese to suggest the possibility of rehabilitation for officials who make mistakes, was deleted. ''Compatriots from the Hong Kong special administrative region will not forget [Mr. Tung]'' was allowed to stand.
When discussing China's antisecession law aimed at Taiwan, which was enacted by the National People's Congress on Monday, Mr. Wen mentioned an American precedent for outlawing secession. The transcript included his reference to the passage of such a law in 1861, but excised Mr. Wen's follow-up:
''And after that happened, the war between the North and the South broke out. We do not wish to see that kind of outcome. We do not wish to see that kind of outcome.''
It is possible that it was decided that the American law's failure to stop the Civil War undermined the rationale for passing their own law. Beijing officials have repeatedly emphasized that their law creates conditions for peace across the Taiwan Strait, even though it authorizes ''nonpeaceful'' means against Taiwan under certain conditions.
Political analysts in Beijing said authorities might also have felt that it was inappropriate for the prime minister to be on record plaintively bemoaning the possibility of conflict with Taiwan when the official line is that China ''will pay any price'' to ensure the unity of the nation.
The news office of China's cabinet, which Mr. Wen heads, did not respond Tuesday to a written request for comment on the deletions.
China's Propaganda Department has enormous sway over what print and broadcast media tell the public every day, including the utterances of the ranking leaders.
It is often unclear whether their manipulations happen in consultation with the leaders in question, or whether propaganda authorities have standing authority to make sure they stay on message. Some local analysts say the process is so common that a top official may have no direct role in presenting his own comments to the public.
Mr. Wen manages the country's domestic and foreign policy and ranks No. 3 on the standing committee of the ruling Politburo. But he regularly submits to political packaging, the analysts say.
''It certainly appears that the Propaganda Department has more authority than even some top leaders,'' said Jiao Guobiao, a professor at Beijing University who wrote an expose on the workings of the department last year. ''They enforce the party line.''
The censorship in this case seems extraordinary, though, because Mr. Wen made his comments live on national television and in front of 700 journalists from home and abroad.
As a result, any Chinese viewers who watched Mr. Wen live and then read the accounts the next day would have had a rare chance to see the propaganda machine in action.
Earlier Communist leaders like Mao developed reputations as revolutionaries who could rock the world's most populous nation with pithy asides. But the editing of Mr. Wen may underscore the official contention that today's leadership governs by elite consensus, not the whims of one man.
His boss, Hu Jintao, now China's top leader, often appears more like a creature of the party that created him than its chief. Mr. Hu almost never gives interviews or utters spontaneous comments in public, making it difficult to distinguish his own priorities, or even his personality, from the party he heads.
Like Mr. Wen, Mr. Hu does not always appear able to exercise complete control over the propaganda apparatus. Last summer a photograph of Mr. Hu shaking hands with Deng Xiaoping, the paramount leader who died in 1997, was published on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of Deng's birth. The photo showed the two against a dark backdrop.
Shortly afterward a new version of the photo appeared in other publications. It revealed that the greeting had taken place in a lively and brightly lighted reception hall. Jiang Zemin, Mr. Hu's predecessor, was standing dead center between Mr. Hu and Deng, suggesting that Mr. Hu's aides might have tried to create the impression that Mr. Hu had a more personal relationship with Deng by airbrushing Mr. Jiang out.
Mr. Wen spoke without notes at the news conference on Monday. But his comments hewed closely to, and sometimes repeated verbatim, formulations of standing policy. Even his ad libs on Hong Kong and Taiwan would hardly count as major faux pas among Western leaders.
But official records in China, whether party histories dating back 70 years or next-day transcripts of public news conferences, tend to be scrubbed clean lest they portray the party itself as fallible.
''Individual leaders can make mistakes,'' Professor Jiao said. ''The party cannot make mistakes.''